This page is dedicated to those who are concerned with the ever-increasing problems of WATER, FOOD and ENVIRONMENT and their impacts on the humanity. In this page, distinction between local and global problems is completely irrelevant and absurd.

Sunday, September 28, 2008

SELLING WATER

Water Commodification: A Challenge of Environmental Ethics ?1

Budi Widianarko2

Privatization have become a magical buzzword in the water arena. Globally, just in a decade the number of consumer has swollen eight times, from 51 million in 1990 to 460 million at present time. Many analysts predict that trend of water privatization will continue to accelerate. It is estimated in 2015 more than 1 billion people will use private water.

This privatization option has been promoted by water corporations to be an effective means for improving the people’s access to water. Preferable use of the term “public-private partnership” over “privatization” clearly implies what is going to be tackled by this option. To its promoters, privatization is believed to be a capable weapon to combat weaknesses of currently existing public sector water undertakings (PWUs). Generically, the immediate blames to PWUs are lack of financial capacity to expand systems as well as inefficiencies in technical, financial and managerial aspects. Privatization is thus believed to promising a better and wider access to water.

Very sadly, in Indonesia these drawbacks are profoundly believed, not only by municipal governments but even also by PWUs administrators. Even if options for improving the performance of a PWU are available or can still be explored, usually privatization is chosen as the best and most immediate therapy. One possible explanation for this attitude is the preference toward instant solution, namely “solving” problem without much struggle, which nowadays seems to be rampant within public institutions in Indonesia. Naturally, this kind of attitude is perfectly matched with the strong drive of transnational water companies in expanding their market. It will not be too surprising, however, if this “perfect” match take place in metropolitan and bigger cities where various problems related to water service provision are prevalent. Shockingly enough, the same tendency is now also spreading all over the country (thanks to decentralization?), stretching to smaller towns which, so far, have no significant problem with their water service provision.

Water as A Commodity
Undoubtedly the underlying principle of privatization is the market-based mechanism which has a skeleton consists of supply, demand, price and of course profit (Viten, a Dutch water company perfectly put it in their triple-p slogan “people-planet-profit”). As a consequence of the above mentioned market based principle, water is therefore treated as a commodity. As soon as this commodification takes place, the notion of ownership will prevail.

Claim over water ownership definitely generates an ethical challenge. However, there is indeed a generic counter argument to it. In his article in Development Outreach (Fall-2002) Gerard Mestrallet (2002), Chairman and CEO of Suez – the giant French water corporation, wrote
“water is a common good, one of the basic public goods. At Suez, we are opposed to the private ownership of water resources precisely because, in our eyes, water is not a commodity. We do not trade in water. We do not sell a product. We provide a service. The service of making clean water continuously available to all, and returning water to the natural habitat once it has been treated. It is the price of that service that is billed, not the price of water as raw material”.

On paper, the above argument is perfect and yet sophisticated. By pricing “only” the cleanup and distribution service, and not the water itself, the company seems to pay ample respect to the water. In reality, however, people have to pay for obtaining water. They have to pay based on the volume of water they use. For ordinary people, who can not afford to digest the above sophisticated argument, the reality is simple: water has a price. In this case, the higher the profit margin incorporated into the price the stronger the notion of water pricing will be.

This is not to say that provision of water by PWUs is free from pricing. As a subsystem of the municipal/local governments, PWUs should not include a maximized profit margin in the bill, since it is a political responsibility of the (local) government to secure its citizens’ access to water. Under this framework the bill can duly be considered as people’s contribution to the government efforts in providing and distributing clean and safe water. So, the notion of water pricing is less pronounced.

Environmental Ethics
As mentioned earlier, privatization raises a strong notion of water pricing. This notion will be more obvious if after privatization take place the bill constantly increases. Water tariff hikes after privatization takes place is evident in many countries. In terms of environmental ethics, giving a price to water is not an acceptable conduct. It is clearly a paradox, if clean water declared by the United Nations as a human right is, at the same time, also regarded a tradeable good. We all are aware that water is a vital substance for life of the biosphere. It can be found across the levels of living beings, from simple cells to complex ecosystems. For us, human beings, water is the most intimate and vital substance. About 60% of our body is water.

Copious exchanges of water taking place within the biosphere is crucial to the maintenance of the biosphere, especially temperature control. Furthermore, according to the Gaian ethics assignment of intrinsic value can be extended beyond individual living being. With its distinctive atmospheric gas composition, the biosphere (Gaia – the name after the Greek Earth goddess) can be regarded as a living being analogous to a living individual with vital organs (wetlands, tropical forests, continental shelves etc) (see e.g. Whitten et al., 1996). Since water is the most essential factor for survival of the Gaia, naturally it is very tempting to assign water with an intrinsic value.

By having an intrinsic value, something - in this case water - is valued beyond its utility (Light & Rolston III, Environmental Ethics, 2003). This is somehow compatible to how most Indonesian regard water. Some traditional beliefs and religions in Indonesia view water as the origin and posterity of all life, spiritual blessing, and also as a healing substance (Whitten et al., Ecology of Java and Bali, 1996). Accordingly, traditional communities are well-equipped with local wisdoms related to water ritual, use, distribution, and conservation. Being practiced for thousands of year these wisdoms has become social norms obeyed by members of the community. Taking into account these local wisdoms and social norms, the concept of price for water is certainly incompatible with traditional communities.

In addition to the ethical problem, privatization of water sector in Indonesia also tends to trigger a social justice problem. With a very weak enforcement of environmental laws and regulations various pollution - particularly by industries - can still take place without any strict penalty. In this situation there is an obvious risk of overcharging the ordinary human user with the cost of purifying the polluted water. It is clearly injustice to charge an ordinary user solely based on the volume of water, without leaving behind the cost’s component for cleaning up the contamination which are done by others. Without incorporating the polluter pays principle in the formula, calculation of cost recovery will certainly be socially injustice. Costs of purifying polluted water have to be born by all the users, regardless their shares in contaminating the water.

In terms of environmental ethics and social justice, it can therefore be foreseen that the commodification of water will ultimately create problems rather than solutions. Unfortunately, the drive for water privatization in Indonesia seems can not be stopped. And even worse, the currently available draft of Water Resources Law put too much emphasis on commercialization. Now is the time to call public attention for not allowing unnecessary privatization of PWUs in their cities and towns.
------------------------------------------------
1 Earlier version of this article was discussed at People’s Forum on Water, Session: “Water Problem in Indonesia”, March 17-2003, Hartopia-Kyoto, JAPAN
2 Professor of Environmental Management and Director of the Graduate School of Environment and Urban
Studies at the Soegijapranata Catholic University (UNIKA), Semarang – INDONESIA
(e-mail: widianarko@unika.ac.id)

Tuesday, August 5, 2008

Impacts of Hyperacid Water from The Ijen Crater Lake, East Java

Ecological and Human Health Impacts of Hyperacid Water from the Ijen Crater Lake, East Java, Indonesia

Budi Widianarko1, Ansje Löhr2

1Faculty of Agricultural Technology, Soegijapranata Catholic University,
Jl. Pawiyatan Luhur IV/1 Semarang 50234, INDONESIA
(E-mail:
widianarko@unika.ac.id; Tel.:62-24-8441555; Fax.:62-24-8445265)

2Institute of Ecological Science, Vrije Universiteit, De Boelelaan 1085,
NL-1081 HV Amsterdam, The Netherlands

Abstract
The Ijen crater lake in East Java, Indonesia is one of the world’s largest natural reservoirs of hyperacid water (30-40x106 m3). This hyperacid water has a pH less than 0.3 and contains extremely high concentrations of many elements. It is the source of extremely acidic and metal polluted river Banyupahit (45 km). The river water, with a pH between 2.5 and 3.5, has been used by the inhabitants of the watershed area for domestic as well as agricultural purposes. This paper describes the impacts of the effluent of the Ijen Crater lake on the ecosystem as well as on human health. Based on analyses of metal (using ICP-MS) and other elements it was found that the river water contains a high load of SO4, NH4, PO4, Cl, F, Fe, Cu, Pb, Zn, Al and other potentially toxic elements. Metal concentrations in the river water exceed the Indonesian and international quality standards. The food-webs in the acidic parts of the river are highly underdeveloped. No invertebrates were present in the acidic water, and at pH 2.3 to 3.3 only chironomids were found. A lower pH was also found in soils irrigated with acid water compared to those irrigated with neutral water. This leads to decreased yields of cultivated crops. Increased levels of metals, especially Cd, Co, Ni and Mn were found in various foodstuffs, but still under the maximum permissible levels. Fluoride exposure is of the utmost concern as manifested in high prevalent of dental fluorosis among local residents.
Key Words: Crater Lake, Hyperacid, Ecosystem, Human

I. Introduction
Volcanic crater lake is one of natural sources of environmental pollution. Lakes developed in volcano craters can become highly acidic due to the influx of volcanic gases, leading to one of the most extreme natural environments on earth. Water from volcanic crater lake with a pH value as low as 0.0 has been reported1. Acid crater lakes present in many parts of the world, e.g. in Japan, Mexico, Italy, Costa Rica, New Zealand, Argentina and Indonesia2-6.

In Indonesia, environmental pollution due to natural sources is rarely studied. This can partly be explained by the fact that the country’s pollution control regime is more oriented toward anthropogenic pollution. Most existing legislation only cover pollution caused by human activities, especially industry7.

This paper deals with an hyperacid pollution of volcanogenic origin in Indonesia, i.e. the hyperacid water of the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river originates from the crater lake Kawah Ijen in East-Java. This very low pH water carries a significant load of pollutants, so it has raised a great deal of concern8. Actually, volcanogenic acidification is also found in other areas in Indonesia, such as the Patuha volcano in West Java which has been acidifying the water of a tributary of the Citarum river9 , however the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river is of special concern since the hyperacidic water is used for irrigation in the 3,564 ha of agricultural land in Asembagus area. Sugar cane and rice are the main crops cultivated in the area. In addition, the water is also used by approximately 50,000 local inhabitants for drinking and other domestic purposes.

As indicated by Delmelle10 the hyperacid water can have negative impacts on the agricultural land. In addition to its acidity, Heikens11 mentioned that water of the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river contains fluoride up to 15 mg/l, which is above the Canadian guideline value for irrigation water of 1 mg/l12. Water from many wells in the area also contain fluoride at concentrations above the WHO guideline value of 1.5 mg/l for drinking water13. Field observation showed that a large portion of the human inhabitants in the area suffers from tooth fluorosis, a problem which has been recognized since as early as a quarter of century ago14.
The aim of the present paper is to provide an actual description of the impacts of hyperacid water from the Kawah Ijen crater lake on ecosystem and its human inhabitants.

II. The Location
The Indonesian archipelago has 129 active volcanoes, approximately 13% of the world's total active volcanoes. There are 21 active volcanoes and seven crater lakes, on Java alone15. The Ijen volcanic area is situated in the eastern tip of Java (Figure 1). The Ijen crater is an active stratovolcano (2,346 m above sea level) located on the rim of the caldera, which contains a turquoisecoloured lake. Up to now, the crater is still active, it is under the continual control of the Volcanological Survey of Indonesia (VSI). In case of an eruption, the lake will pose a potential threat to a vast area covering three regencies, i.e. Bondowoso, Banyuwangi and Situbondo16.
The Ijen system consists of a 16-km-wide caldera, the Ijen plateau, with an altitude between 850 and 1500 m. The active volcano Ijen is located on the southeast side of the caldera belt. The Ijen crater lake, one of the world’s largest (30-40 x 106 m3) pools of hyperacidic volcanic water (pH < 0.3)17. The area is subject to a tropical climate, characterized by dry and rainy seasons, with a much higher precipitation in the caldera than in the coastal areas. Rain intensities on a daily basis in the caldera can be as high as 100 mm. In 1921, a dam was built on the western crater belt to control the water level in the lake and to regulate the outflow of hyperacidic water in the downstream area,. For several decades, the dam’s sluices have not been used as the water level remained below the dam18. However, water from the lake was and still is leaking. The acidic water leaks through the rock basement at several points below the dam. This water is the main source of the Banyupahit river, with a total discharge of only 50 l/s at its origin. A 45 km long stream, the Banyupahit river (“Bitter River”) flows westward along the volcanic slopes and passing through two small villages, Paltuding and Watucapil. Downstream of Watucapil a spring contributes moderately acid and polluted water lead an increase of discharge up to hundreds l/s.

Figure 1. Map of the Ijen ecosystem, showing the location of the Kawah Ijen crater lake The river is diluted mainly by two tributaries within the Ijen caldera, the rivers Kali Sat and Kali Sengon, both near the village of Blawan. After dilution by the Kali Sengon, the river is called Banyuputih river (“White River”) and flows down a 50 m high waterfall at the caldera rim after which it flows through a steep, narrow gorge. The pH of the water increases to 2.5 – 3.5 when the river leaves the plateau. After leaving the Ijen caldera, the Banyuputih river flows through the largest single expanse of forest on Java (60,000 ha). This forest is part of the Ijen-Malang-Raung nature reserve that covers an area of 130,000 ha. Only a little dilution of the river water between the waterfall and a downstream irrigation dam at Liwung has been observed visually, but information on chloride concentrations showed that more dilution occurs, most probably at the floor of the waterfall. At the downstream, twenty kilometers from the caldera rim the river water is used for irrigation and domestic purposes. Most of the river water is channeled into the existing irrigation system at the village of Liwung. The original riverbed follows its way to the Strait of Madura and serves as an overflow discharge channel when flash floods occur during the rainy season. Asembagus is one of seventeen districts in the Situbondo regency. The district of Asembagus is laid at an elevation of 0 to 1,000 m above sea level. It has approximately 130,000 inhabitants spread over subdistricts Asembagus (46,127), Banyuputih (47,760) and Jangkar (35,168). Total area of Asembagus is 11,874 square kilometers, 70% of which is upland with slopes of more than 40%. The agricultural land in Asembagus is approximately 5,500 hectares (3,000 hectares of irrigated rice field and 2,500 hectares of dry agricultural land). Agriculture is the most important economic sector in Situbondo, involving 60% of the total productive age group of the population. The four most important agricultural products of Situbondo are maize, rice, sugar cane and mango19.

III. Pollutants
Measurements of pollutants contents of water from the Ijen crater lake and the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river, as well as from the neutral Kali Sengon river were conducted in 2000. A detailed account of the samplings and chemical analyses of water can be found in previous publication8. The procedures of chemical analyses were summarized below. At each sampling site, pH and conductivity were measured in triplicate using a Multi-line P4 (WTW) aquatic field kit. Nitrate was measured using the cadmium reduction method (Hach method 8171); sulphate using the Sulfa Ver 4 method (USEPA method 375.4, Hach method 8051); chloride using the mercuric thiocyanate method (Hach method 8113); reactive phosphorus was measured using the molybdovanadate method (Hach method 8114). TOC was measured with a Dohrmann DC-190 TOC analyser; trace-elements by a HP4500 ICP-MS; major-elements (Ca, Al, Fe) by a Varian Liberty II ICP; F, Na and K with the Dionex DX120 ion chromatograph. Total suspended solids (TSS) were measured by filtering 500 ml of sample over a 0.22 µm pore-size filter. For the analysis of alkalinity and acidity, water samples were collected and stored at 4ºC before analysis. Acidity was determined by titration to pH 8.3 (APHA 1995) with NaOH (Merck, Darmstadt, Germany, p.a., 99% pure). Alkalinity was measured by titration to a pH of 4.3 (APHA 1995) with H2SO4 (Merck, Darmstadt, Germany, p.a., 95.0% pure).

Result of physico-chemical measurements of the water from upstream to downstream of the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river is presented in Table 1. The pH of water from the crater lake is less than 0.3. Paltuding, close to crater lake, and Watucapil, 8 km downstream, in the most acidic stretch of the river have a pH of 0.7. Blawan is located on the Ijen plateau directly under the confluence of the neutral river Kali Sat with the Banyupahit, which shows a strong increase in pH up to 2.9. The neutral river Kali Sengon, with pH 7.7, confluences with the Banyuputih just before the waterfall, which is the verge of the caldera. Site Hutan, with water of pH 3.2, is located in the forest (not accessible by road) and was sampled in July 2001 during a 4-day expedition8. Twenty km downstream of the caldera rim the river water, with pH of approximately 3.3, is used for irrigation and household purposes in the Asembagus irrigation area. Conductivity of the water seems closely associated with pH. Extremely high conductivity values (up to 110 mS/cm) were found at the most acidic sites, Paltuding and Watucapil. The increase of pH along the first 20 km toward the waterfall corresponds with a decreased conductivity. Very high concentrations of phosphate, chloride, sulphate, nitrate and ammonium measured at the most acidic sites, Paltuding and Watucapil (Table 1). At downstream sites, i.e. Blawan, Hutan and Liwung, concentrations of these substances are one or two orders of magnitude lower. The lowest concentrations of these compounds are found in the neutral Kali Sengon river.

Very high acidity is measured at most acidic sites (around 500 mg CaCO3/l) and decreases from 9.9 at Blawan to 4.7 mg CaCO3/l at Liwung. Alkalinity of the water in the Kali Sengon is 0.95 mg CaCO3/l. At all sites, the oxygen content is close to saturation. No clear pattern is demonstrated by concentrations of total suspended solids (TSS) and total organic carbon (TOC). Lowest TSS is found at Blawan and while the highest is at Liwung. Values of TOC vary between 1.92 mg/l and 6.43 mg/l in the Banyupahit, with the lowest values found at Liwung and the highest at Blawan. In the Kali Sengon, TOC is 5.07 mg/l. Observations in the laboratory suggest that there is significant inter-location variability of the contribution of mineral and organic contents to TSS8.

The concentrations of elements and compounds in the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river exceed water quality standards (Table 2). The concentrations of SO42-, F, Al, Fe and Mn are particularly high. A combination of low pH and high concentrations of many elements/compounds poses a threat to the river ecosystem.

Table 2 shows that most concentrations of metals in water of Banyupahit-Banyuputih river, at the upstream and even downstream sites exceed the maximum permissible levels according to the Indonesian Government Regulation for water used for irrigation and other agricultural purposes and the FAO guideline values for irrigation water. Concentrations of iron and aluminum are extremely high.

IV. Effects on Ecosystem
Ecological risk assessment is a process that assesses the likelihood that adverse ecological effects may occur or are occurring as a result of exposure to one or more stressors21. As an essential component of ecological risk assessment, biological monitoring can describe present biological conditions and provides the means for comparing polluted with unpolluted conditions. Biological monitoring of the macroinvertebrate communities was therefore performed to obtain insight into the ecological characteristics of the ecosystem.

The abundance and diversity of macroinvertebrates, algae and diatoms was extremely low at the acidic sites. The invertebrates and algae found in Kali Sengon, however, characterized a healthy ecological community according to the EPA Q value22. Combination of the high acidity and high load of metals and other elements/compounds is toxic to most organisms (Table 3). Moreover, angiosperms as well as fish species is completely absent along the entire stretch of the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river. A detailed discussion of the results of this biomonitoring can be found in Löhr et al (2005)23. Since the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river passes through the national park a wide variety of animals, such as birds and mammals, including some red list species, might use the water occasionally. As yet, however, the adverse effect on any other wildlife in the national park is still not known.

As mentioned previously, the river water is used for irrigation in the Asembagus agricultural area. Approximately 3,564 hectares of Asembagus irrigation area are irrigated using the hyperacidic water from Banyupahit-Banyuputih river. The continuous input of acidic water leads to a dramatic drop of soil pH up to a around 3.524. Furthermore, the continuous input of acid and inorganic elements has also changed the soil chemistry, causing nutrients losses (e.g. NH4+, Ca2+, K+, Mg2+ etc), strong leaching of Fe and Mn and the accumulation of elements to toxic levels, particularly Al25. Local farmers and irrigation authorities reported a yield loss of rice more than 70 % in recent years, due to the increased acidity of the irrigation water which seems to associate with the decrease of the river’s baseflow discharge8. Low precipitation on the Ijen plateau seems to correspond with low pH of the Banyuputih at Liwung and high dissolved metal concentrations.

During the period 1980-1989, the average annual precipitation was 2437 mm with an average of 143 rain days. Much lower average annual precipitation, however, was reported in 1990 –1999, i.e. 1447 mm, with an average of 115 rain days8. Another explanation for the loss in rice yields is aluminum toxicity. Al concentrations in the irrigation water far exceed water quality standards (Table 2). In the Asembagus irrigation water, the total dissolved (filtered over 0.45 µm) Al concentration averaged 64 mg/l. Al is known to cause phytotoxicity at concentrations exceeding 10 mg/l, especially due to phytotoxic Al species such as Al3+ which is dominant at low pH conditions.

V. Effects on Human Health
Human can be exposed to metals in the environment directly via inhalation, soil ingestion, and dermal contact, and indirectly via food products and drinking water. Dietary exposure is dependent on the daily intake. In the Asembagus irrigation area two most important pathways of intake have been identified, i.e. through drinking water (from the river water or wells), and consumption of food crops from land irrigated with the river water11. The acid irrigation water contain Fe, Mn and especially Al with concentrations exceed the guideline values for irrigation water (Table 2). Elevated levels of various elements (especially Cd, Co, Ni and Mn) were measured in crops produced in the Asembagus area, but these concentrations were still within normal ranges11. In a total diet study, the mean total daily intake of a broad range of elements by inhabitants of the Asembagus irrigation area was estimated and compared with the Tolerable Daily Intake (TDI) and the Recommended Nutrient Intake (RNI) values. It was concluded that the intake of essential and non-essential elements was unbalanced, but that the total intake of individual elements did not pose a risk to human health11. However a deficient intake of Ca, Fe and Zn was observed, which is common for a rice- and vegetable based diet. Of all elements and compounds present in the drinking water, fluoride presents the most acute threat for human health.

In the Asembagus area, dental fluorosis (discoloration of teeth as they become porous and brittle) is observed among the majority of the local residents. In general, mild forms of dental fluorosis can be manifest at drinking water concentrations of fluoride of around 1.5 mg/l, whereas skeletal fluorosis (deformities of the skeleton) can occur at above 4 mg/l26. The total daily intake can explain the reported prevalence of dental fluorosis at locations with low concentrations of fluoride in drinking water11. Concentrations of fluoride in the river water and many water wells in the Asembagus area are higher than the guideline value of 1.5 mg/l of the World Health Organization27 for F in drinking water. A hazard map for the area showed not only a high risk for dental fluorosis among children, but also a considerable risk for skeletal fluorosis among adults11. VI. Concluding Remarks In summary, natural pollution caused by the Kawah Ijen crater lake impacts three subsystems: agriculture, human health and the river ecosystem. It is clear that the pollutants concentrations of Banyupahit-Banyuputih river water by far exceeds all standards for drinking, irrigation and river water. However, unlike most polluted river systems, it has only one driving force, i.e. the water from the Kawah Ijen crater lake. Its extreme acidity and high loads of elemental pollutants are the ultimate cause of the agricultural loss, as well as health and ecological deterioration in the area.

Pollution and acidification are directly related to the Kawah Ijen and it seems logical to deal with the problem at its origin. To reduce the effects of pollution, the most desirable option would be to remove the acidic water. In this direction, feasibility of several alternatives for the improvement of the water quality of the Banyupahit-Banyuputih river can be appraised , including (1) closure of seepage points, (2) dilution of the Banyupahit-Banyuputih water, (3) alteration of the flow regime, (4) (pre-) treatment of acidic water, (5)water defluoridation, (6) restoration of soil acidification. Eliminating the acidic water would mitigate social and economic issues and would eliminate agricultural problems. However, both the soil ecosystems in the Asembagus irrigation area as well as the river ecosystem would need a considerable period of time (months) to recover from the acidity28.

Considering the complexity of the problem, however, priorities should be given to increasing the public’s awareness of the problem and to seeking solutions to improve the water quality and the provision of safe drinking water. The serious health risks in the Asembagus irrigation area should be dealt with, first of all by providing an adequate water supply. The provision of drinking water to children is especially important since dental fluorosis develops until the age of 6 to 8 years.

The Ijen problem, however, seems too large a problem for a local government to deal with and, therefore, representatives of the provincial as well as the national government should also be involved. We therefore conclude that a dissemination activity would be the best first step towards risk reduction. Through this activity, awareness of all stakeholders can be raised, which later will enable them to jointly identify options to improve provision of safe drinking water and technological solutions to improve water quality. In this instance, a WOTRO-supported dissemination activity has been in progress.

Acknowledgments
Data used in this paper is obtained mainly from a study supported by The Netherlands Foundation for the Advancement of Tropical Research (WOTRO), residing under the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) (project number WAE 84-465) and the Society for the advancement of research in the tropics (Treub/Maatschappij).

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24. Los AMD, Vriend SP, Van Bergen MJ and Gaans PFM (2005a). The effect of naturally acidified irrigation water on agricultural volcanic soils. The case of Asembagus, Java, Indonesia. Part I: chemical characterization of soil composition. Submitted.

25. Los, AMD, Heikens A, Vriend, SP, Van Bergen, MJ and Van Gaans PFM (2005b). The effect of naturally acidifeid irrigation water on agricultural volcanic soils. Part II: Soil chemical processes and plant uptake. Submitted.

26. Janssen PJCM, Janus JA, Knaap AGAC (1987) Integrated criteria document fluorides: effects. Appendix to report nr. 758474005. Bilthoven, The Netherlands: RIVM.

27. WHO (1996) Guidelines for drinking water quality. 2nd ed, World Health Organization Geneva, Switzerland.

28. Galloway JN (2001) Acidification of the world: natural and anthropogenic. Water, Air and Soil Poll. 130: 17-24.

Sunday, April 13, 2008

SAY NO TO CORPORATE LOCUSTS

Say No to Corporate Locusts
Budi Widianarko


I took pleasure in reading Ong Hock Chuan’s column in this newspaper (March 24, 2006) commenting sympathetically on the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry’s statement defending the interest of foreign mining investors against the despotism of political elite. He advised that if the pressure on investors continues there a great chance that this country will lose its foreign investments. This, of course, sounds very reasonable and in favor of everybody’s interest.

Ong’s line of reasoning is well ordered and straightforward, thanks to his concise and yet eloquent phrases. Frankly, Ong’s article has enriched my understanding on the beauty of idea diversity, something that we should celebrate in this current age of post-modernism. However I am truly amazed at Ong’s stance with regard to the nature of corporations, including those called “big boys”.

Reading through his arguments, one will certainly get the impression that big foreign corporations are merely helpless creatures when facing criticisms by the political elite in this country. It is hard to accept as true that corporations, especially those in the international mining arena, are just powerless entities which can not defend themselves.
Actually, with experiences gained throughout the course of their existence corporations are already forced to devise themselves with multitude strategies to cope with external pressures. In this respect, corporations may resemble living organisms and behave accordingly. Thanks to John Elkington (The Chrysalis Economy, 2001) who has ingeniously categorized corporate environmental strategies according to four kinds of organism: the locusts, caterpillars, butterflies and honeybees. These groupings are based on a two dimensional character of the corporation, i.e. the nature of its resources utilization combined with the corresponding level of impact.
In terms of resource utilization, CORPORATE LOCUSTS are classified as a degenerative model with high impact on the environment. They are part of the “decreasing return” world, where the more they do something - the worse things get. Its characteristics include, among other, a highly unsustainable business model; a tendency to swarm, overwhelming habitat; destroys various forms of capital,; zero cross-pollination; and blind to early warnings.
CORPORATE CATERPILLARS are also representing a degenerative model. However, they are usually more difficult to spot than locusts. Here are some traits of corporate caterpillars: longer-term, an unsustainable business model; high “burn rate”; relatively local impacts; and potential for switching to regenerative model.

Two generative models are represented by CORPORATE BUTTERFLIES and CORPORATE HONEYBEES. They are part of the “increasing return” world. The first model are typified by a sustainable business model; strong commitment to corporate social responsibility or sustainable development (CSR/SD), high visibility, loud voice; may publicly attack locusts; widely networked; and commercial lightweight. The second model have the following traits: sustainable business model; strong business ethics; constant innovation, cross-pollination; capacity for heavy lifting; strategic use of natural capital and other resources; sophisticated technology; and multiple capital formation.

Unfortunately, most big mining corporations fall under the category of CORPORATE LOCUST. An infamous example of this model is Russian Aluminum, the world’s second largest aluminum producers. Which according to Elkington (2001) in a lawsuit filed in New York, the company has been accused of an array of crimes, including murder, death threats, fraud, bribery, and money laundering. Elkington also stated that apart from Russian Aluminum, the list of LOCUSTS is long, including Freeport-Mc MoRan Copper and Gold operated in Papua. (In page 80 of Elkington’s book you can find a detailed account on LOCUST-like behaviors performed by this corporation).

Being acquainted with their common attitudes, it seems safe to assume that it is nothing new for big mining corporations to dealing with social and environmental protests. In dealing with such pressures, Sharon Beder in her contentious book (GLOBAL SPIN, 2000), pointed out that actually big international corporation have been developing a special technique known as corporate activism. With their massive financial resources and power corporations defy claims made by environmentalist, to reshape public opinion and to persuade politician against tightened environmental regulation. In the western world, corporate activism which is ignited in the 1970s and rejuvenated in 1990s has enabled corporate agenda to dominate most debates about the state of the environment and what should be done about it. While numerous alternatives available, two most perilous, and yet most common modes of environmental activism are (1) the setting up of front groups, and (2) public relation strategies.

Basically, the first mode is like to put your works in someone else’s mouth. When a corporation wants to oppose environmental regulations, or support an environmentally damaging development, it may do so openly and in its own name. But it is far more effective to have a group of citizens or experts – and preferably a coalition of such groups – which can publicly promote the outcomes desired by the corporation whilst claiming to represent the public interest. When such groups do not already exist, the modern corporation can pay a public relation to create them. The use of such front groups enables corporation to take part in public debates and government hearings behind a cover of community concern. The names of corporate front groups are carefully chosen to mask the real interest behind them but they can usually be identified by their funding sources, membership and who controls them. In extreme cases, some front groups are quite blatant working out of the offices of public relation firms and having staff of those firms on their boards of directors. Two most striking examples for this is the Council for Solid Waste Solutions which shares office space with the Society of the plastic Industry, Inc., and the Oregon Lands Coalition which works out of the offices of the Association of Oregon Industries (see Beder, 2000).

The second mode is based on the so called “therapeutic alliance” – a technique commonly used by psychiatrists when dealing with an irrational patient – as described by Lindheim (1989) (see in Beder, 2000): “When an anxious patient first arrives, the psychiatrist will be a very sympathetic listener. The whole time that his mind is telling him that he has a raving lunatic on his hands, his mouth will be telling the patient that his problems are indeed quite impressive, and that he the psychiatrist is amazed at how well the patient is coping, given the enormity of the situation …Once that bound of trust is established, true therapy can begin and factual information can be transmitted”. Corporations can build a therapeutic alliance with the public, which they often consider as irrational and emotion-based reaction to environmental and social risks. Corporations, thus, must use their communications resources to demonstrate their commitments to solving environmental problems, and making environmental improvements. They employ risk communicators, whose job is to develop ways to effectively explain findings of the risk assessments done by company experts, and therefore to reassure the public and to win the people’s trust.

This two modes of corporate activism are not at all new in the environmental arena in this country. Clearly, corporate activism may cause serious danger to the aptitude of democratic societies to respond to environmental threats. It is therefore very crucial for political elite, NGOs, media and concerned individuals to constantly voice their critical account on the behavior of corporations – be it domestic or foreign investments. This country should certainly welcoming the butterflies and honeybees but rejecting the caterpillars and locusts.
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 The writer is a professor at SOEGIJAPRANATA CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY, Semarang

SAY IT WITH FOOD

SAY IT WITH FOOD
Emotionalizing Pollution Discourse


Budi Widianarko
Professor in Environmental Toxicology and Food Safety - Soegijapranata Catholic University (UNIKA), Semarang, Members of Board of Directors Society of Environmental Toxicology and Chemistry (SETAC) Asia Pacific


Environmental pollution seems to be an everlasting problem in many developing countries, including Indonesia. Although the problem has been recognized for three decades, pollution is still prevalent in this country. A growing number of environmental regulation, as well as, public protests fail to reduce the number of pollution incidence, instead an ever- increasing trend of pollution is revealed. In Central Java, for example, a most recent report by the Province’s Environmental Impact Control and Management Agency (Bappedal Jateng) indicated an escalation of pollution events during the last five years.

One of several classic examples of the unrelenting environmental pollution problems in Indonesia is the Kali Tapak case in Semarang, the capital city of Central Java. Since its emergence, pollution at the Kali Tapak area has attracted a number of studies and policy intervention. The recognition of pollution incidence in the 70s has staged the Tapak case as a pioneer of environmental movement in Indonesia, however, up to now public outcries complaining the pollution have still taken place intermittently. Pollution due to industrial discharges along the Kali Tapak River was and is still the main environmental problem in the Kali Tapak area. The pollution have directly victimized the farmers and fishermen whose rice fields and fishponds dependent on water input from the Kali Tapak River. This never-ending pollution incidence has also affected the nearby coastal ecosystem.

Conspicuously, the existing pollution control regime, which mainly draws on the command-and-control paradigm has failed to reveal a satisfying performance. Piles of environmental regulation of various levels, from act down to local regulation, have not been able to deliver a substantial impact on the mitigation of environmental pollution in Indonesia. Lack of adequate enforcement has often been recognized as the cause of incompliance to environmental regulations by industries. Most probably, inadequate enforcement of environmental regulations is attributed not only to rampant practice of corruption but also to the absence of environmental awareness in the most part of the society.

Since awareness is closely connected to people’s perception, most likely there is a need to improve visualization of the effect of pollution in the people’s mind by incorporating issues that can easily touch their emotion. In this case, food safety issue may be considered as a suitable candidate.

Pollution and Food Safety
Interaction between food system and ecosystem is unavoidable, since the biological aspect of food provision is basically attached to the ecosystem. Until the present day, almost all ingredients of food are extracted from ecosystem.

Despite of the ever-progressing food technology, which led to invention of a great number of novel foods, human food system is still heavily reliant on ecosystem. As represented by the slogan “from land and to mouth”, our food is coming from a chain of processes starting from within the ecosystem. Quality and safety of food is accordingly determined by the quality of the ecosystem. Pollution taking place in an ecosystem will certainly affect living organisms, including edible species.

In the course of a pollution event, either of natural or anthropogenic origin, toxicants are released into environment. Consequently aquatic and terrestrial organisms are exposed to these chemicals. Biaccumulation of toxicants by edible species is not a surprising phenomenon. A great number of studies have demonstrated that due to the bioaccumulation-biomagnification mechanism the various toxicants are transferred along ecological food chains and reach human as one of top consumers. Concerns on the safety of food consumption related to the presence of toxicants in the environment have therefore been raised worldwide

A growing number of reports from many parts of the world have shown that pollution of aquatic
and marine ecosystems is the primary cause of accumulation of toxicants by edible species harvested or cultured in these ecosystems. Elevated levels of toxicants in seafood species are known to be responsible for increasing dietary intakes of the hazardous chemicals by the human consumers.

Emotional Touch
Learning from responses toward media coverage on food safety issues, it is clear that it has a strong potential to drag public attention. Food safety issue is relatively more “eye-catching” and emotionally more significant than other conventional environmental issues. There is, therefore, an opportunity to make use of food safety issues for dragging public attention to environmental matters.

Traditionally, environmental pollution campaigns employ various issues, such as air and water quality, “lungs of the world” (in preservation campaign of tropical rain forest), biodiversity and indigenous knowledge, and many others. These issues, however, are sometimes too abstract for laypeople. Even if an issue can be digested cognitively by general public, but to transform it into real action is a different story. As mentioned previously, lack of awareness is one of important factors contributing to environmental negligence in the society. Since awareness is closely connected to people’s perception, most likely that incorporation of issues - which have emotional significance - may contribute to the increase of environmental consciousness.

The Buyat case, in North Sulawesi - involving Newmount Mining Company - has demonstrated how food safety issue is very effective in raising people’s awareness on pollution incidence. It is interesting to learn that Nabiel Makarim, who was then the State Minister for Environment, declined to eat fish caught from the gulf of Buyat during a dialogue session with local community (see KOMPAS 5/8/04). Ironically, only a few days earlier, the Minister declared that no pollution took place there (KOMPAS 27/7/04). As expected, this refusal was immediately and openly criticized by public. For general public, a very important message conveyed from the above incidence is that the fish from Buyat is unfit for consumption.

Most likely, the minister’s refusal is a genuine personal decision, driven by survival instinct. This is, of course, reflecting the very nature of human being. A lesson that can be learned from this little “drama” is that food safety seems to be an effective means for communicating the state of environment. The prompt emotional response toward a food safety issue can be explained by the fact that food has a direct personal link to human. It has physical and emotional ties to human body and mind. Borrowing words from Elspeth : “Food at different times touches disparate aspects of life, including love, sex, relationships, family, economics, comfort, obsession, pleasure, control, desire, shame, disgust, fear, hatred, work, leisure, sickness, death, birth and many more”.

From the history of industrial pollution, particularly in Japan, it is very well recognized that sickness due to severe pollution incidents, such as the Minamata and Itai-itai diseases in Japan were directly connected to food consumption. The Minamata disease was resulted from consumption of seafood contaminated with methyl-mercury, whereas the Itai-itai disease was triggered by consumption of cadmium-contaminated rice.

To sum up, despite of the fact that environmental pollution is an everlasting problem in Indonesia, there are still opportunities to improve the situation. One of them is by incorporating food safety issue in the public discourse of pollution. Incorporation of an issue that has physical and emotional significances to human, such as food safety, can be expected to rise to environmental consciousness among the people.
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HIDROSOLIDARITY

It’s Time for Hydrosolidarity

Budi Widianarko


When it comes to water human seems to suffer from some sort of “split-personality” syndrome. Although in most parts of the world, water has spiritually been regarded as a sacred substance, water pollution has still been escalating everywhere. The manifestation of this syndrome can be observed at population level down to individual level. It is not astonishing to find an individual who spiritually pay respect to water and, at the same time, he or she may deliberately contaminate water their wastes.

It is a common practice to use water for getting rid of impurities, purifying objects for ritual use as well as cleaning a person physically and spiritually. No other substance on earth bears a spiritual meaning as profound as water. For Christianity, water is prominent in initiation rituals. The pouring of clean and fresh water, symbolizing the spirit of God, signifying a new state of spiritual life. In this case, water blesses the human body and is understood as a preparation of an individual before having a spiritual union with God. The purifying quality and energy of water is also essential in Islam as Muslim ritually pure before approaching God in prayer. Water also has a distinctive role in Hinduism because of its spirituality cleansing powers as Hindus strive to accomplish physical and spiritual purity. For indigenous peoples, water is not just sacred, but it is very often even regarded as a form of life.

Sadly, in today’s world the spiritual respect toward water seems do not correspond whatsoever with the way human treat water in their physical life. Many reports show that today’s most pressing world water problems do not necessarily stem from absolute scarcity of the substance. Instead, they spring from the ever-increase quality degradation and distribution disparity of water which are mainly caused by human attitudes and activities. Pollution and claim over ownership of water is clearly an insult to the sacredness of this vital substance.
While the drive for commercialization of water is in its upswing, the prevalence of water pollution is also still rampant. The commercialization of water will potentially disturb people’s access to water, i.e. threatening human water security, whereas pollution will jeopardize the safety and health of human and other living being using the water. In worst cases the river has been referred to as sewer or even a murderer.

Clearly, without major shift in human orientation toward water the following upsetting conditions may reveal or even get worse: (i) approximately 1.1 billion people (17% world population) are without access to proper sources of water; (ii) about 2.4 billion (40%) have no access to improved sanitation sources resulting in 2.2 million people in developing countries, mostly children, die every year from diseases associated with lack of safe drinking water, inadequate sanitation and poor hygiene; (iii) by 2025 at least 3.5 billion people or nearly 50% of the world’s population will face water scarcity; (iv) 29 of the world’s river basins with 300 million inhabitants will experience further scarcity; (v) the world’s main source of potable water (more than 90%) i.e. ground water is increasingly threatened with depletion and contamination; (vi) one fifth of the world’s freshwater fishes are either endangered or extinct due partly to pollution of water streams.

The current attitude of human toward water tends to deny the most important aspect of life, i.e. life coexistence. Quoting Rigoberta Menchu, a Peace Nobel Laureate from Guetemala: “Nothing is larger than life coexistence; and water is the core element of it - not only among human but also between human and other living beings in this planet”. If coexistence is the most important aspect of life, it is imperative to promote the value of solidarity. Hydrosolidarity is, thus, has a meaning far beyond the technical term of “water allocation” or “water distribution”. Hydrosolidarity holds spiritual and ethical values which denies full ownership of water – one of the earth’s common resources - by any living being or any human individual.

In other word, hydrosolidarity can be seen as a realization of the spirituality of water or hydrospirituality. Current practices by human in treating water pose a great challenge to hydrospirituality. When legal, economic and technical approaches in water management have proven to be failed, it is natural to assume that spiritual approach should ultimately provide a solid foundation for human-water interaction. Hopefully, with the still prevalent existence of respect toward the spiritual value of water among most of world’s societies there should be ample opportunities for hydrospirituality to take a lead in solving multitude water problems of today.
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Professor of Environmental Toxicology at Soegijapranata Catholic University & Board Member of AMRTA Institute for Water Literacy (widianarko@unika.ac.id)

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